Scan barcode
A review by heathward
Towards an Era of Development: The Globalization of Socialism and Christian Democracy, 1945-1965 by Peter Van Kemseke
5.0
5 Key Arguments (re. The SI):
1. Transnational organisations warrant a more prominent role in historian's work due to their unique characteristics: "Transnational political organizations occupy a special place in the international system: their reactions to world politics can be swift and flexible, quite unlike those of some intergovernmental organizations. This characteristic makes them breeding grounds of ideas, which trickle down to their members, national political parties." (10)
2. The post-war Socialist International was heavily moulded by the circumstances and requirements of the Cold War: "So as to prevent a large-scale defection of workers to the Communist Party, radical, internationalist discourse and radical, internationalist symbols were used. The Socialist International was probably one of the most powerful symbols that supported the claim and identity of the socialist party as the authentic workers’ party." (19) “The Cold War made the development, let alone the execution, of an “authentic” socialist or Christian Democratic foreign policy impossible." (31)
3.When the Socialist International began to look beyond Europe in the 1950s, it did so along Cold War lines: “The International expanded “to the rhythm of the Cold War.” So, at the moment when socialist transnationalism was leaving its European breeding ground the Cold War became its companion de route and helped determine the path followed.” (68) Thus, Latin America was overlooked until 1959.
4. Wheras in the 1950s, the Socialist International had attempted to court the Asian socialists, “From around 1960 onwards, the attention of the International was no longer so much directed at Asia “an sich”, but rather at Africa. Africa was seen as virgin territory ready to be parceled up and conquered. The International was afraid that competitors would come and stake their claims, even if in principle they all belonged to the same team (such as was the case with the ASC).” (148)
5. Development thinking in the Socialist International was boosted by the revisionist movement occurring in the national parties: “Revisionism, which was a consequence of domestic political factors, resulted in the belief that capitalism would lead to continual growth. As a consequence, socialists could focus entirely on the equitable distribution of that growth. The transition from an equitable distribution at home to an equitable distribution on the international level was stimulated by the transnational network that bound European and non-European socialists together. It was in these transnational discussions that the Third World came to light.” (277)
Overall, a really excellent book.
1. Transnational organisations warrant a more prominent role in historian's work due to their unique characteristics: "Transnational political organizations occupy a special place in the international system: their reactions to world politics can be swift and flexible, quite unlike those of some intergovernmental organizations. This characteristic makes them breeding grounds of ideas, which trickle down to their members, national political parties." (10)
2. The post-war Socialist International was heavily moulded by the circumstances and requirements of the Cold War: "So as to prevent a large-scale defection of workers to the Communist Party, radical, internationalist discourse and radical, internationalist symbols were used. The Socialist International was probably one of the most powerful symbols that supported the claim and identity of the socialist party as the authentic workers’ party." (19) “The Cold War made the development, let alone the execution, of an “authentic” socialist or Christian Democratic foreign policy impossible." (31)
3.When the Socialist International began to look beyond Europe in the 1950s, it did so along Cold War lines: “The International expanded “to the rhythm of the Cold War.” So, at the moment when socialist transnationalism was leaving its European breeding ground the Cold War became its companion de route and helped determine the path followed.” (68) Thus, Latin America was overlooked until 1959.
4. Wheras in the 1950s, the Socialist International had attempted to court the Asian socialists, “From around 1960 onwards, the attention of the International was no longer so much directed at Asia “an sich”, but rather at Africa. Africa was seen as virgin territory ready to be parceled up and conquered. The International was afraid that competitors would come and stake their claims, even if in principle they all belonged to the same team (such as was the case with the ASC).” (148)
5. Development thinking in the Socialist International was boosted by the revisionist movement occurring in the national parties: “Revisionism, which was a consequence of domestic political factors, resulted in the belief that capitalism would lead to continual growth. As a consequence, socialists could focus entirely on the equitable distribution of that growth. The transition from an equitable distribution at home to an equitable distribution on the international level was stimulated by the transnational network that bound European and non-European socialists together. It was in these transnational discussions that the Third World came to light.” (277)
Overall, a really excellent book.